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Kunwardde dja Karrbarda (Rocks and Yam Vine) – Collection 2 – NFS

Susan Marawarr is a Kuninjku artist from the Kurulk clan whose country lies around the outstation of Mumeka in central Arnhem Land. In this design, she has depicted karrbarda (long yam) on her traditional country, the kunwardde (stone country).

The large stones represent the kunwardde rocky outcrops, which are elevated above the flat floodplains. The vines creeping around the large rocks are from the karrbarda. Women dig up karrbarda with kungarrndutj (digging sticks) and they are then cooked in the ashes of the fire to be eaten.

These yams are purple on the saltwater side of country and on inland freshwater country they are white. Karrbarda are an important manme (bush food) that are collected during the wet and dry seasons.

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Mandjabu (Fish Trap) Skirt – Collection 2- NFS

“In old times people would make these mandjabu (fish traps) to go fishing. They are made with vine we find in the jungle. That old man, Anchor Gulunba, he showed me how to make these fish traps. I would sit there and watch him making them. We catch barramundi, catfish, all kinds of fish.” – Helen Lanyinwanga

Kuninjku people traditionally make two sorts of conical fish traps. One called mandjabu made from a vine called milil, and another smaller one called manylik mandjabu, made from the grass manylik. The mandjabu conical fish trap is bigger and stronger and used in tidal reaches of creeks to catch large fish. The smaller, lighter manylik trap is used in freshwater flowing creeks to catch smaller fish and freshwater prawns. Traditionally, only men were involved in the construction of the large fish traps, but children would often crawl inside and assist.

To make fish traps and fish net fences artists firstly get vine (milil) from the jungle and they put it in water for one night to make it soft. Next they start weaving it; they make rings for the inside to keep the fish trap’s shape. Artists work for three or four weeks on the fish trap. They also make string from kurrajong (burdaga) to attach the hibiscus (bardainy) rings and to tie the conical end of the fish trap. This fish trap is used in saltwater and freshwater. People also use fish net fences called mun-dirra. A long time ago they would put the mun-dirra across rivers and creeks. In the middle they would place the an-gujechiya. They also used small things like sticks, rocks, mud and grass to block the fish from going through. People would then catch fish like saltwater barramundi rajarra, freshwater barramundi (janambal), small black freshwater catfish (buliya), bonefish (an-guwirrpiya), and sand bass (dalakan) in these fish traps.

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Rrugurrgurda (mud crab) skirt – Collection 2 – NFS

This design tells the story of Elizabeth’s homeland – a dreaming place, a good dreaming place with plenty of mud crabs. Elizabeth’s homeland lies east of Maningrida, at the mouth of the Blyth river. This country is known for a large spiritual mud crab, which lives in the area.

Many families collect crabs to eat there with long sticks, or collect directly from the shores. Mud crabs hide in the muddy bottoms of estuaries and mangrove forests surrounding Maningrida. After a king tide, a large cyclical tide that brings the crabs out from the mangroves, it is a good time to find crabs.

Rrugurrgurda (mud crabs) is pronounced Ahh-rewg-gurd-gurda in the Burarra language. Rrugurrgurda are good baladji (bush food in Burarra) and can be caught all year round. They are put on the fire to cook, and they are ready when they turn a bright orange colour.
 

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Yalpirakinu

Yalpirakinu is Adrian’s mother’s country. Adrian’s mother is the late Eunice Napangardi, a well known painter herself. His artworks consistently refer to the desert mountains, ridges and trees which are part of Yalpirakinu. Using a restricted colour palette, Adrian’s  brushwork is loaded with energy, drama and memories. He is a deliberate and thoughtful painter; reworking, pushing and pulling the image to completion.

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Yalpirakinu

Yalpirakinu is Adrian’s mother’s country. Adrian’s mother is the late Eunice Napangardi, a well known painter herself. His artworks consistently refer to the desert mountains, ridges and trees which are part of Yalpirakinu. Using a restricted colour palette, Adrian’s  brushwork is loaded with energy, drama and memories. He is a deliberate and thoughtful painter; reworking, pushing and pulling the image to completion.

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Yalpirakinu

Yalpirakinu is Adrian’s mother’s country. Adrian’s mother is the late Eunice Napangardi, a well known painter herself. His artworks consistently refer to the desert mountains, ridges and trees which are part of Yalpirakinu. Using a restricted colour palette, Adrian’s  brushwork is loaded with energy, drama and memories. He is a deliberate and thoughtful painter; reworking, pushing and pulling the image to completion.

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Man-kurndalh (Black Plums) Skirt

Man-kurndalh (black plum) are a much loved manme (bush food). The edible black berries are good for harvest in the late dry to wet seasons.

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Mungili Waterholes and Rockholes – Marlene Anderson

“No one goes there and sees that landscape. Only two, Mr and Mrs [refers to footsteps in painting]. They was walking to see if the water was in there. Walking on the creek sand, they see the colours and walk down to the water hole and dig where the waters been left. Dig the creek sand where there is still water. Little huts where they sit; move when it dries out. Leave remembrance behind. When the water fills up again; come back.

When the creek sand is still moist you can see the colours. You can see many colours – lovely colours come out. I do that in my mind [when painting], go and think about the rock colours there.

Different plants, water runs, and different plants are growing, different seeds. When it rains, all year round, when its overflowing. It’s all connected. The orange sand connects to one waterhole full of water, then flowing through the creek sand. This side down [pointing to one rock hole]; and it’s a bit up [pointing to another rock hole].

I was swimming there. Yeah, we go visit them a long time [ago]. We drink it, rainwater from the rain. Big waterhole. It’s a fresh water, when the rain comes, fills it up. One for swimming and another rock hole for drinking. 3 rock holes; another is special.”

– Marlene Anderson

In this work Marlene depicts a waterhole and rock hole located in Mungili, the small outstation community located just off the Eagle Highway in Western Australia, approximately 430 kilometres northeast of Wiluna and 250 kilometres north of Warburton. Marlene grew up in Mungili, and as such it forms a significant part of her ‘ngurra’ (home Country, camp). Typically Marlene depicts this site with a central large circular form that represents the main waterhole, surrounded by smaller circular forms representing satellite water bodies.

During the pujiman (traditional, desert dwelling) period, knowledge of water sources was critical for survival, and today Martu Country is still defined in terms of the location and type of water. Each of the hundreds of claypans, rockholes, waterholes, soaks and springs found in the Martu desert homelands is known through real life experience and the recounting of Jukurrpa (Dreaming) narratives by name, location, quality and seasonal availability. This encyclopedic knowledge extends even to the nature and movement of arterial waterways, and sustained Martu as they travelled across their Country, hunting and gathering, visiting family, and fulfilling ceremonial obligations. They would traverse very large distances annually, visiting specific areas in the dry and wet season depending on the availability of water and the corresponding cycles of plant and animal life on which hunting and gathering bush tucker was reliant.

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Family Groups

In the heart of central Western Australia, the Martu people are the traditional owners of a vast landscape stretching from the Great Sandy Desert in the north to Wiluna in the south. Across this Country, their lives are bound by a common ancestral heritage, law, and culture. To one another, they are walytja (family).

 

Walytja

The Martu term for family, walytja, encapsulates a broader idea of relatedness that permeates every aspect of life. The Martu four-section kinship system determines a person as belonging to either the Purungu, Milangka, Panaka or Karrimarra skin group, and was created by the Jukurrpa (Dreaming) ancestors.

This system not only defines relationships, it also establishes a framework for expectations and obligations, and extends the importance of family far beyond mere blood or marriage ties. Family is not limited to blood connections; it encompasses all relationships within the entire community, forming a network of relationships that was crucial to survival during the pujiman (traditional, desert dwelling) era, and that remains fundamental to Martu life today. The kinship system allows everyone to know what expectations one person can have in relation to another, and means that familial terms and relationships are present between any two individuals, whether or not they are related by blood.

 

Walytja in relation to Country

Over thousands of years, Martu lived in small, kin-based bands that traversed their own territorial areas by foot according to seasonal changes and cultural obligations. Ngamaru Bidu describes this experience in the story for her work, ‘Wantili’; “My family and Jakayu’s family been walking round there together… Everywhere, we been walking everywhere.”  

Walytja groups had rights to their ngurra (home Country, camp) as inherited over generations. Also passed down over generations was the intimate knowledge of the physical and cultural properties of one’s Country, and the responsibility to care for and nurture one’s ngurra. The passing of rights and responsibilities through walytja in relation to specific lands continues today.

 

Walytja in Art

Many of the works by Martumili artists are representations of Country as defined by familial ties- artists paint “where their family is from and where they belong to” (Kuru Gladys Bidu). One’s Country encompasses their birthplace, and the Country they and their family lived on during the pujiman era. Collectively these works make clear the inseparable relationship between walytja and Country.

The significance of walytja is revealed in Martu art not only in its depiction of ngurra as delineated by ancestral inheritance, but also through the act of painting itself. Martumili artists begin to paint with their parents, grandparents and extended family, fostering an organic process of learning about painting techniques, along with knowledge of specific locations and their related Jukurrpa narratives. In this way, the passing down of cultural knowledge through art ensures the continuity of Martu heritage.

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Family Groups

In the heart of central Western Australia, the Martu people are the traditional owners of a vast landscape stretching from the Great Sandy Desert in the north to Wiluna in the south. Across this Country, their lives are bound by a common ancestral heritage, law, and culture. To one another, they are walytja (family).

 

Walytja

The Martu term for family, walytja, encapsulates a broader idea of relatedness that permeates every aspect of life. The Martu four-section kinship system determines a person as belonging to either the Purungu, Milangka, Panaka or Karrimarra skin group, and was created by the Jukurrpa (Dreaming) ancestors.

This system not only defines relationships, it also establishes a framework for expectations and obligations, and extends the importance of family far beyond mere blood or marriage ties. Family is not limited to blood connections; it encompasses all relationships within the entire community, forming a network of relationships that was crucial to survival during the pujiman (traditional, desert dwelling) era, and that remains fundamental to Martu life today. The kinship system allows everyone to know what expectations one person can have in relation to another, and means that familial terms and relationships are present between any two individuals, whether or not they are related by blood.

 

Walytja in relation to Country

Over thousands of years, Martu lived in small, kin-based bands that traversed their own territorial areas by foot according to seasonal changes and cultural obligations. Ngamaru Bidu describes this experience in the story for her work, ‘Wantili’; “My family and Jakayu’s family been walking round there together… Everywhere, we been walking everywhere.”  

Walytja groups had rights to their ngurra (home Country, camp) as inherited over generations. Also passed down over generations was the intimate knowledge of the physical and cultural properties of one’s Country, and the responsibility to care for and nurture one’s ngurra. The passing of rights and responsibilities through walytja in relation to specific lands continues today.

 

Walytja in Art

Many of the works by Martumili artists are representations of Country as defined by familial ties- artists paint “where their family is from and where they belong to” (Kuru Gladys Bidu). One’s Country encompasses their birthplace, and the Country they and their family lived on during the pujiman era. Collectively these works make clear the inseparable relationship between walytja and Country.

The significance of walytja is revealed in Martu art not only in its depiction of ngurra as delineated by ancestral inheritance, but also through the act of painting itself. Martumili artists begin to paint with their parents, grandparents and extended family, fostering an organic process of learning about painting techniques, along with knowledge of specific locations and their related Jukurrpa narratives. In this way, the passing down of cultural knowledge through art ensures the continuity of Martu heritage.