111982305939



Wak Wak

This painting depicts a sacred site at ‘Kurrurldul’, an outstation south of Maningrida.

The ‘rarrk’, or abstract crosshatching, on this work represents the design for the crow totem ancestor called ‘Djimarr’. Today this being exists in the form of a rock, which is permanently submerged at the bottom of Kurrurldul Creek. The ‘Djimarr’ rock in the stream at Kurrurldul is said to move around and call out in a soft hooting tone at night. Both the stone itself and the area around it are considered sacred.

The imagery represents the rock mentioned above at the bottom of Kurrurldul creek, which is the final transmutation of the dreaming ancestor ‘Djimarr’. Finally, the pattern used here is also the crow design used in the sacred ‘Mardayin’ ceremony, which is a large regional patri-moiety ceremony now rarely conducted in central and eastern Arnhem Land.

111982305938



Wak Wak

This painting depicts a sacred site at ‘Kurrurldul’, an outstation south of Maningrida.

The ‘rarrk’, or abstract crosshatching, on this work represents the design for the crow totem ancestor called ‘Djimarr’. Today this being exists in the form of a rock, which is permanently submerged at the bottom of Kurrurldul Creek. The ‘Djimarr’ rock in the stream at Kurrurldul is said to move around and call out in a soft hooting tone at night. Both the stone itself and the area around it are considered sacred.

The imagery represents the rock mentioned above at the bottom of Kurrurldul creek, which is the final transmutation of the dreaming ancestor ‘Djimarr’. Finally, the pattern used here is also the crow design used in the sacred ‘Mardayin’ ceremony, which is a large regional patri-moiety ceremony now rarely conducted in central and eastern Arnhem Land.

111982305937



Mimih Spirit

The mimih spirit exists in a realm that runs parallel to and mirrors many facets of human life, also demonstrating the deep sense of time and place understood by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. Such spirits feature importantly in relation to Aboriginal spirituality, cosmology, social and moral tales as well as ritual. As is true with the multiple mediums employed by artists of West Arnhem Land, the development of artistic style and form is in line with an awareness by the artist that the work produced is predominantly made for a broader audience. Whether shown in a national or international context these works communicate and exist in a particular space that is cross-cultural and simultaneously so particular to the Arnhem region.

The mimih sits within a complex and important pedagogical and religious body of knowledge which links Kuninjku people to their distinctive escarpment homelands. Young Kuninjku artists, or apprentices, employ the mimih as an important exercise for the practice of the rarrk technique, as it could be achieved on a smaller surface area before being attempted in larger scale on pieces of bark. The mimih serves a purpose for those young artists first learning to carve in a social space of sharing and innovating. The initial mimih manifestation was a large form that almost mirrored the anatomy of a human and at this stage the sculptures have been likened to morkuy carvings visible in eastern Arnhem Land. Contemporaneously, mimih are depicted in a refined, slender, even emaciated form with a broad range of facial expressions giving both individual character to, and denoting the potential volatility and humour that mimih spirits are notable for in their interaction with bininj (humans). The sculptures are frequently carved from the thin trunks of softwoods such as kapok (bombax ceiba or cottonwood) kurrajong, beach hibiscus or leichardt and are painted with earth pigments for their colouring and design.

A leading figure engaging the spirit in visual storytelling was Crusoe Kuningbal, a Kuninjku man, who while traveling was familiarised with carving styles from the east of Arnhem at the mission in Milingimbi pre-dating World War II. Thus showing a notable connection and interaction of different language groups across such space. As well as travel and the development of art forms being informed by cross cultural dialogues within northern Aboriginal language groups. The mimih became a valued inclusion in performance and public ceremony by Kuninjku people like Kuningbal. At times these ceremonies were performed for extended language groups in the local region.

Now a familiar and broadly depicted figure of iconography, it is important to acknowledge the development of this quite recent sculptural tradition. The depiction of this particular spirit being, once used as an addition to the sharing of song cycles and ceremony, has since been elevated to a prominent form and subject of contemporary sculpture. Variation in the creation of mimih acts as an indication of the individualism of each artist and their stylistic markers. Additionally significant to note is that in the space of the past thirty years the mimih has begun being produced by multiple language groups residing in the Maningrida area including the traditional owners of Maningrida, the Ndjébbana, speaking Kunibidji as well as Gurrgoni people who have strong ties to Kuninjku. 

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*Maningrida Arts & Culture acknowledge the work of many academic and non-academic voices when writing on this topic, it is important to note Luke Taylor, who’s broad research has informed this text.

377813282305877



Marebu (Woven Mat)

A Marebu is a traditionally woven mat, which is made from natural, locally sourced materials from the Kakadu/West Arnhem Region. Weavers gather fresh kunngobarn (pandanus), from the young leaves in the middle of the palm using a hooked stick called a manmarli, once harvested in large quantities. Kunggobarn is then striped into two, split into fine strands and dried. Once dried, the pandanus is then ready for dying.

Natural dyes are also collected out on Country in various times of the year dependent on weather systems. In Kakadu and West Arnhem Land there are six seasons, Kudjewk (Monsoon season, Dec – March), Bangkerreng (‘Knock ‘em down’ storm season, April), Yekke (Cooler (but still humid) season, May-June), Wurrkeng (Cold weather season, June-Aug), Kurrung (Hot dry weather, Aug-Oct) and Kunumeleng (Pre-monsoon storm season, Oct-Dec). These dyes are dependent on these seasons and fruit, blossom or grow specifically in these times, for example Windilk (seeds from Haemodorum coccineum plant), only grows in Kudjewk, much like Rosella, only grows in Yekke.

These colours are collected from the following plants:

Manbedde – Grey/Black (Petalostigma pubescens, leaves)

Windilk – Purple/Pink (Haemodorum coccineum, seeds)

Kunggobarn – Green (Pandanus, the growing shoots) 

Wirdilwirdil – Brown (Haemadorum brevicauli grass, red bulb)

Mandjurndum – Yellow/Orange (Coelospermum reticulatus, yellow roots)

Marebu’s have many traditional uses, from carrying babies, women and men’s ceremonial use through to the carrying, cleaning and rinsing of man me (bush food). 

377813282305875



Marebu (Woven Mat)

A Marebu is a traditionally woven mat, which is made from natural, locally sourced materials from the Kakadu/West Arnhem Region. Weavers gather fresh kunngobarn (pandanus), from the young leaves in the middle of the palm using a hooked stick called a manmarli, once harvested in large quantities. Kunggobarn is then striped into two, split into fine strands and dried. Once dried, the pandanus is then ready for dying.

Natural dyes are also collected out on Country in various times of the year dependent on weather systems. In Kakadu and West Arnhem Land there are six seasons, Kudjewk (Monsoon season, Dec – March), Bangkerreng (‘Knock ‘em down’ storm season, April), Yekke (Cooler (but still humid) season, May-June), Wurrkeng (Cold weather season, June-Aug), Kurrung (Hot dry weather, Aug-Oct) and Kunumeleng (Pre-monsoon storm season, Oct-Dec). These dyes are dependent on these seasons and fruit, blossom or grow specifically in these times, for example Windilk (seeds from Haemodorum coccineum plant), only grows in Kudjewk, much like Rosella, only grows in Yekke.

These colours are collected from the following plants:

Manbedde – Grey/Black (Petalostigma pubescens, leaves)

Windilk – Purple/Pink (Haemodorum coccineum, seeds)

Kunggobarn – Green (Pandanus, the growing shoots) 

Wirdilwirdil – Brown (Haemadorum brevicauli grass, red bulb)

Mandjurndum – Yellow/Orange (Coelospermum reticulatus, yellow roots)

Marebu’s have many traditional uses, from carrying babies, women and men’s ceremonial use through to the carrying, cleaning and rinsing of man me (bush food). 

115682305947



Woven Mat

Traditionally, Nganiyal (conical mats) were used as an insect screen when erected, and as a sitting mat when folded. They are used in Ceremony as well as a functional item. 

Nowadays, artists weave many different shapes including flat, round and oblong. 

115682305946



Bathi (Pandanus Basket)

Bathi are woven from the split leaves of the Screw Palm (Pandanus Spiralis). Coil weaving was introduced to Arnhem Land in the 1930s. It was adapted from techniques used by Indigenous women throughout South East Australia.

111582306123



Wildflowers

“When Martu paint, it’s like a map. Martu draw story on the ground and on the canvas, and all the circle and line there are the hunting areas and different waters and tracks where people used to walk, and [some you] can’t cross, like boundaries. So nowadays you see a colourful painting and wonder what it is, but that’s how Martu tell story long ago. It’s not just a lovely painting, it’s a story and a songline and a history and everything that goes with it.” 

– Ngalangka Nola Taylor and Joshua Booth

This work portrays an area of Country that can be interpreted in multiple ways. Firstly, the image may be read as an aerial representation of a particular location known to the artist- either land that they or their family travelled, from the pujiman (traditional, desert dwelling) era to now. During the pujiman period, Martu would traverse very large distances annually in small family groups, moving seasonally from water source to water source, and hunting and gathering bush tucker as they went. At this time, one’s survival depended on their intimate knowledge of the location of resources; thus physical elements of Country, such as sources of kapi (water), tali (sandhills), different varieties of warta (trees, vegetation), ngarrini (camps), and jina (tracks) are typically recorded with the use of a use of a system of iconographic forms universally shared across the desert. 

An additional layer of meaning in the work relates to more intangible concepts; life cycles based around kalyu (rain, water) and waru (fire) are also often evident. A thousands of year old practice, fire burning continues to be carried out as both an aid for hunting and a means of land management today. As the Martu travelled and hunted they would burn tracts of land, ensuring plant and animal biodiversity and reducing the risk of unmanageable, spontaneous bush fires. The patchwork nature of regrowth is evident in many landscape works, with each of the five distinctive phases of fire burning visually described with respect to the cycle of burning and regrowth.  

Finally, metaphysical information relating to a location may also be recorded; Jukurrpa (Dreaming) narratives chronicle the creation of physical landmarks, and can be referenced through depictions of ceremonial sites, songlines, and markers left in the land. Very often, however, information relating to Jukurrpa is censored by omission, or alternatively painted over with dotted patterns.

111582306120



Wirlarra (Wilarra)

Wirlarra, the site depicted in this painting, lies on the eastern edge of a large salt lake, Nyayartakujarra (Lake Dora), near Punmu Aboriginal community. A distinctive group of small salt water pools are clustered together here. The water from these pools is known for its’ powerful healing properties, and the pools are still visited today by Martu to bathe cuts and sores. 

Wirlarra is also a term for ‘moon’ in Manyjilyjarra, and through the site’s Jukurrpa (Dreaming) narrative, the site is united with the moon in significance. It is said that at Wirlarra, the moon called to a family of dingoes; a mother, father and their large litter of dingo pups. The dingoes gathered at Wirlarra, where the moon cared for them and created a windbreak for the family to shelter. Here the dingoes scratched at the surface of the salt lake and created the cluster of salt water pools located there today. They lay down there. After a time, the dingoes continued travelling eastward toward the rising moon until they reached Kinyu (Well 35 on the Canning Stock Route), where they remained until all of the dingo pups had grown up. From Kinyu the family travelled further east with the moon.

Rawa is a soak and spring located along the eastern edge of the large salt lake, Nyayartakujarra (Lake Dora), and at the western edge of Punmu Aboriginal community, 670km northeast of Newman. Surrounding Rawa are numerous fresh water soaks and the permanent red tali (sandhills) typical of the area. 

During the pujiman (traditional, desert dwelling) period, Martu would traverse very large distances annually in small family groups, moving seasonally from water source to water source, and hunting and gathering bush tucker as they went. At this time knowledge of water sources was critical for survival, and today Martu Country is still defined in terms of the location and type of water. Each of the hundreds of claypans, rockholes, waterholes, soaks and springs found in the Martu desert homelands is known by name, location, quality and seasonal availability through real life experience and the recounting of Jukurrpa (Dreaming) narratives.

Rawa features as a resting place for the Minyipuru (Jakulyukulyu, Seven Sisters) during the Jukurrpa period. Minyipuru is a central Jukurrpa narrative for Martu, Ngaanyatjarra, Pitjantjatjara and Yankunytjatjara people that is associated with the seasonal Pleiades star constellation. Relayed in song, dance, stories and paintings, Minyipuru serves as a creation narrative, a source of information relating to the physical properties of the land, and an embodiment of Aboriginal cultural laws. Beginning in Roebourne on the west coast of Western Australia, the story morphs in its movement eastward across the land, following the women as they walk, dance, and even fly from waterhole to waterhole. As they travel the women camp, sing, wash, dance and gather food, leaving markers in the landscape and creating landforms that remain to this day, such as groupings of rocks and trees, grinding stones and seeds. During the entirety of their journey the women are pursued by a lustful old man, Yurla, although interactions with other animals, groups of men, and spirit beings are also chronicled in the narrative.