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Malilanya – Ngunytjima’s Story

This is my great-grandmother’s Country, Renita’s grandmother. This is the story about that minyma (woman) that only got one leg so she walks with a stick. She went into that rock hole underground. It’s a good story.

This creation story is from near Kanpi in the Aṉangu Pitjantjatjara Yankunytjatjara (APY) Lands. Malila was a woman with one lame leg who often went hungry because she couldn’t search and hunt for food. She would have to wait for her two daughters to bring her meat so she could eat. She walked around like a dog on all fours and travelled a long way until she got to a place near Kanpi.

It was raining and her daughters helped her build a wiltja (bush hut) to get out of the rain. That wiltja is now an underground cave. One day her daughter brought her meat and Malila saw that it had been cooked by man and said to her daughters, ‘I’m not going to eat this meat. Who are these men? You must have husbands.’

She left her cave and went travelling further west where she came across some men and got really angry with them. The men hit her and she fell and rolled down a hill and died, creating some mountains along the way. Women are reminded of Malila when they are hungry. Many people tell this story, and the woman Malila stays in existence.

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Maku (Witchetty Grub) Derek’s Story

This is a tjukurpa (story) from near Mimili on the Aṉangu Pitjantjatjara Yankunytjatjara (APY) Lands from when Aṉangu (people) came here a long time ago. When the maku (witchetty grub) was finished, people sang the maku to make them come back. They sang and danced and scattered leaves to make the maku come out of the ground. This is Derek’s grandmother’s story. She used to dance to these songs when she lived in Mimili and she’s now buried there.

Derek’s cousin says: ‘So when they dance to that maku song, that song develops all the bush food – maku under the ground to grow more bigger and to have more maku in the roots. So when the ladies dig it they can see it really close in the roots as well. They can be like five of them but they have to be really, really big’.

Until relatively recently bush foods were the primary source of sustenance for Aṉangu and maku is still one of the favourites. Many bush foods are still gathered regularly almost exclusively by women, and they feature strongly in artistic mark making. Women learn the art of gathering each of the foods from a young age and much inma (ceremony) relates to these practices and the maintenance of supply.

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Ngayuku Walka / My Design

Walka means design or pattern. Artists use this title to describe artworks that are pattern based rather than descriptive or telling a story.

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Tjala / Honey Ant

Tjala or honey ants live in nests about a metre underground beneath mulga trees, and they are a highly favoured food source. The tjala tunnels that lead down to the ants’ nests are called nyinantu, and the larvae are called ipilyka-ipilyka. After the rain when the ground is soft the women go digging for tjala by looking for the drill holes under the trees. They then use shovels and crowbars to dig down following the tunnels to find the tjala inside. Anangu suck the delicious rich honey-like liquid from the distended abdomen of the tjala. The story of the tjala is told across the Northern Territory into South Australia and is an important link between Anangu mythology and inter-dependence on the environment.

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Ngayuku Walka / My Design

Walka means design or pattern. Artists use this title to describe artworks that are pattern based rather than descriptive or telling a story.

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Ngayuku Walka / My Design

Walka means design or pattern. Artists use this title to describe artworks that are pattern based rather than descriptive or telling a story.

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Ngayuku Walka / My Design

Walka means design or pattern. Artists use this title to describe artworks that are pattern based rather than descriptive or telling a story.

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Mimih Spirit

The mimih spirit exists in a realm that runs parallel to and mirrors many facets of human life, demonstrating the deep sense of time and place understood by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. Such spirits feature importantly in relation to Aboriginal spirituality, cosmology, social and moral tales as well as ritual. As is true with the multiple mediums employed by artists of West Arnhem Land, the development of artistic style and form is in line with an awareness by the artist that the work produced is predominantly made for a broader audience. Whether shown in a national or international context these works communicate and exist in a particular space that is cross-cultural and simultaneously particular to the Arnhem region.

The mimih sits within a complex pedagogical and religious body of knowledge which links Kuninjku people to their distinctive escarpment homelands. Young Kuninjku artists, or apprentices, employ the mimih as an important exercise for the practice of the rarrk technique, as it could be achieved on a smaller surface area before being attempted in larger scale on pieces of bark. The mimih serves a purpose for those young artists first learning to carve in a social space of sharing and innovating. The initial mimih manifestation was a large form that almost mirrored the anatomy of a human and at this stage the sculptures have been likened to mokuy carvings visible in eastern Arnhem Land. Contemporaneously, mimih are depicted in a refined, slender, even emaciated form with a broad range of facial expressions giving both individual character to, and denoting the potential volatility and humour that mimih spirits are notable for in their interaction with bininj (humans). The sculptures are frequently carved from the thin trunks of softwoods such as kapok (bombax ceiba or cottonwood) kurrajong, beach hibiscus or leichardt and are painted with earth pigments for their colouring and design.

A leading figure engaging the spirit in visual storytelling was Crusoe Kuningbal, a Kuninjku man, who while traveling was familiarised with carving styles from the east of Arnhem at the mission in Milingimbi pre-dating World War II. The connection and development of art forms informed by cross cultural dialogues within northern Aboriginal language groups is notable. The mimih became a valued inclusion in performance and public ceremony by Kuninjku people like Kuningbal. At times these ceremonies were performed for extended language groups in the local region. 

Now a familiar and broadly depicted figure of iconography, it is important to acknowledge the development of this quite recent sculptural tradition. The depiction of this particular spirit being, once used as an addition to the sharing of song cycles and ceremony, has since been elevated to a prominent form and subject of contemporary sculpture. Variation in the creation of mimih acts as an indication of the individualism of each artist and their stylistic markers. Additionally significant to note is that in the space of the past thirty years the mimih has begun being produced by multiple language groups residing in the Maningrida area including the traditional owners of Maningrida, the Ndjébbana, speaking Kunibidji as well as Gurrgoni people who have strong ties to Kuninjku. 

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*Maningrida Arts & Culture acknowledge the work of many academic and non-academic voices when writing on this topic, it is important to note Luke Taylor, who’s broad research has informed this text.

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Ngayuku Walka / My Design

Walka means design or pattern. Artists use this title to describe artworks that are pattern based rather than descriptive or telling a story.

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Ngayuku Walka / My Design

Walka means design or pattern. Artists use this title to describe artworks that are pattern based rather than descriptive or telling a story.